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Statement of the Foreign Minister of the U.N.-recognized Afghan government at the Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, Tufts University

October 2, 2000

In the Name of God, Most Gracious, Most Compassionate

Professor Richard Shultz,
Distinguished Scholars,
Respected Students and Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the outset, I would like to seize the moment and thank Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, particularly Professor Richard H. Shultz, Director of the International Security Studies Program, and his collaborators for providing the opportunity to discuss the current political development in Afghanistan and its impact on regional and international peace and security. I wish to also express our gratitude to Mr. Theodore Eliot, the former and revered Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, previously also an Ambassador to Afghanistan and a staunch supporter of our anti-Soviet resistance.

As I address you now, Afghanistan is in its 22nd year of turmoil, first as the last battleground of the Cold War and now as the trouble spot of Pakistani-sponsored extremism, with no peace in sight, at least not yet.

Ladies and Gentlemen, In the 19th Century, Afghanistan had served as the Great Game's "buffer State" between the Czarist Russia and British Empires, yet was never colonized. In 1936, it joined the League of Nations. During the Second World War, the traditional Loya Jirga or Grand Assembly declared Afghanistan's neutrality, subsequently joining the United Nations as early as 1946.

Between 1933 and 1978, Afghanistan enjoyed relatively exceptional peace and stability in Asia with peaceful coexistence of its ethnic mosaic. That delicate balance-which had managed social complexities of Afghanistan-was disturbed first, by the Soviet invasion and destroyed subsequently by the Pakistani-backed proxies, including the Taliban militia.

After having halted Soviet expansion, Afghanistan was thrust in a whirlwind of foreign intrigue, deception and Great Gamesmanship. Afghanistan's continuing conflict is not so much a civil war-as depicted in world media-as a proxy war imposed by Pakistan's military intelligence services known as the ISI, a body never accountable to civilian authority.

In fact, the Soviet invasion-by placing Afghanistan in the sphere of influence of the former Soviet Union-provided General Zia with an opportunity to craft the 'Strategic Depth Doctrine' in facing India. In addition to offering it the most substantial military assistance in the history of its relations with the United States, the Soviet invasion also provided Pakistan the hegemonic fancy of establishing an 'Islamic belt' by dominating Central Asia. Between 1992 and 1994, Pakistan discretely patronized Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the leader of extremist Hezb-e-Islami (Islamic Party), and since then, the reclusive and defiant Taliban mercenaries, for the following reasons: --In line with Saudi policy at the time, to pull the rug from under Iran's feet, by supporting an alliance of Pakistani Sunni extremists and Pashtun Sunni radical Islamists against both Shi'a Hazaras and other ethnic groups, including Tajiks-who are all Sunnis; --To install a subservient regime in Kabul with its strings attached to Islamabad; --To expand its influence in Central Asia and throughout the region.

According to a report by the Pakistan-based NNI news agency, General Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's chief of military junta emphatically proclaimed his country's pro-Taliban policy on May 25, 2000, "in accordance with Pakistan national interest…a national security interest, both demographic and geographic." (May 25, 2000)

Pakistan's expansionist policy in the region has continuously relied on religious extremist organizations. When needed, however Islamabad has not fallen short of directly involving its armed forces on either side of its borders. In fact, Foreign Affairs puts the total number of armed Pakistani nationals, participating just in Afghan wars since 1994, exceeding 80,000. (November/December 1999)

A question comes to mind: now that religious extremist groups-unchecked by the military junta-regulate Pakistan's domestic and foreign policies, what would the regional impact of such a state be? So far, at the least in the occupied parts of Afghanistan, it has been an unaccountable theocracy of misguided, largely illiterate mullahs engaged in social engineering.

A key plank in Taliban domestic policy involves confining Afghan women and girls to their homes-depriving them of their basic rights such as access to health care and the opportunity to study and work. This bizarre Pakistan-inspired parody of much more tolerant Afghan tradition threatens the real basis of freedom in our society: the family. Ironically, even in Pakistan such oppression of women is not permitted-although Pakistan's Deoband-inspired religious militants have certainly inspired such practices among their Taliban protégés.

The Taliban has so systematically flouted international norms of behavior on such a wide variety of issues that its record remains unmatched in modern history.

Narcotics, by far remains the Taliban's leading source of domestic revenue used for their war machine. The militia's takeover and regulation of narcotics trade-despite empty promises of countering production and trafficking-has made Afghanistan the world's foremost source of illicit drugs; and ISI extracts great profit from drug-trafficking too. Now the mullahs look the other way, while their product destroys millions of lives in Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, and other Asian, European and American backstreets.

Talibanism in the occupied parts of Afghanistan and evident signs of limited Talibanization in the region have already sounded alarm bells throughout the region.

Finally, the Taliban have provided safe haven to some of the world's most dangerous terrorists from Xinjiang to Central, South and East Asia to Middle East and Africa. So international troublemakers with enough financial backing to rent a refuge are always welcome by the Taliban. In fact, the ISI-led coalition of Pakistani religious organizations, the Taliban and extremist cliques and figures such as the renowned Osama bin Laden have contributed to this result. So, terrorism, by far, remains the leading source of concern for the regional countries.

Recent terrorist activities in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan emanated from the Taliban-occupied parts of Afghanistan. In fact, a kind of Taliban 'internationalism' has replaced the famous Cold War-era leftist motto of 'Proletarian Internationalism'. However, this time, the motherland of this motto is Islamabad and the occupied Kabul City, Afghanistan.

Pakistan's hegemonic adventurism, and the international community's ineffective response to it, set a horrible example for petty despots and terrorists around the world.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

There needs to be an informed and effective policy towards Afghanistan promoting democracy, political pluralism, human rights-especially including women's and girls' rights-and advocacy of moderation and tolerance.

However, first and foremost, foreign intervention must end. Pakistan must break the coalition of religious extremists, terrorist organizations and the Taliban, for reasons of economics, its own security and ultimately self-preservation.

The politics and economics of southern and western Asia after the collapse of the former Soviet Union demanded comprehensive multilateral economic cooperation among its various nations. The region's vast natural and energy resources, and their links to both the Middle East and South Asia, highlight a potential role for Afghanistan to provide a convenient transit route. The feasibility of establishing a regional economic organization, a prototype of the European Union to include Central and South Asian States, was embodied to some extent in the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO).

However, such undertaking requires the necessary environment. Political stability and moderate systems, based on democracy and human rights-as prerequisites for the environment of social and economic developments-needed to attract foreign investment, are essential.

On the other hand, by overlooking these issues, the dangers of Talibanization, the spread of extremism and possible fragmentation in the long run pose threats to integrity of Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran and Central Asian Republics (CARs).

Also the danger of nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan and the initiation of serious immediate measures to prevent fall of nuclear arms in the hands of extremist religious elements in Pakistan is ever more pertinent. The dire necessity by the United States and European states to convince Pakistan to put a halt to its backing of extremist religious elements in the region and intervention in Afghanistan, would help regional stability. Good relations between Pakistan and the entire Afghan nation and an independent Afghanistan will surely be highly beneficial to Pakistan.

In sum, Afghans-being multi-ethnic-want to gain their right to self- determination through a democratic mechanism acceptable to our people. No one group, party or individual has the right to dictate its will by force or proxy on others. But first, the obstacles have to be overcome, the war has to end, a just peace established and a transitional administration set up to move us toward a broad-based representative government. Afghanistan can indeed become a factor of peace, regional economic cooperation and democracy in the heart of Asia.

Thank You.

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